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Camden before St Michael’s
Anglicanism arrives
Railways
1840s to 1860s
Poverty and prosperity
Oxford Movement
Persecution and vindication
First Steps
Bodley and Camden
Soil and Iron

Camden before St Michael’s

(Mary Sokol and Edward Smith)

Agar Town, Somers Town, Camden Town and Camden New Town all began life not as villages but as housing developments. They fell in the ancient parish of St. Pancras, which stretched from the present-day site of the Holloway Road and Kenwood House in the north to Tottenham Court Road and Bloomsbury in the south. As shown on the map below, its eastern fringe was what is now York Way, Camden Square and Kentish Town whilst its western border equates to the Broad Walk in Regents Park. 

This ancient parish had come into the possession of the canons of St Paul’s Cathedral in Saxon times. Sometime before 1066 they had split it into rural manors, each of which funded one of the Cathedral’s prebends (senior clergy). The Doomsday Book of 1087 reports three of these manors within the parish – Cantelowes or Kennistoune (Kentish Town), Tottenhall and Rugmere. As the name suggests Tottenhall was centred on present-day Tottenham Court Road, whilst that of Rugmere roughly equates to present-day Primrose Hill, Chalk Farm and the eastern third of Regents Park. The Doomsday Book also noted a fourth lay manor, St Pancras, which may originally have formed part of Cantelowes but passed into non-church hands long before the Norman Conquest – this included what would become Agar Town and Somers Town.

The rural nature of the area was still largely unchanged over 600 years later. Jean Rocque was the son of French Huguenots who had fled to England after Louis XIV revoked France’s toleration of Protestantism in 1685. Between 1741 and 1745 he surveyed London and the countryside within a ten-mile radius of the city centre, publishing his results in 1746. That map (below) shows the Mother Red Cap pub (now The World’s End in central Camden Town) and empty fields north of an isolated Old St. Pancras Church. In 1776 the crossroads at Camden was suggested as a new site for Tyburn by inhabitants of the expanding west end, keen to get executions out of their neighbourhood – the suggestion did not succeed.

Fifty years later a map from around 1800 shows the River Fleet flowing towards the Thames through the scattered houses of the small country hamlet of Kentish Town. Some of the country lanes there, running through fields, were the resort of highwaymen preying on travellers. An ancient roadway, then a coach road and now Kentish Town Road, ran from London to the more populous village of Highgate. However, houses now lined what became Camden High Street. This quiet rural scene was set to change with remarkable speed as increasingly many people left the countryside to move into towns and cities.

An 1834 map of St Marylebone, Paddington and St Pancras shows that by then the ancient parish of St Pancras was divided between thirteen landowners, the two largest of which were Charles Fitzroy, 1st Baron Southampton, and Charles Pratt, 1st Earl of Camden, who in the late eighteenth century began to build Camden Town 1. To serve their housing developments they also built major new streets and roads such as Camden Road in 1826. By 1834 what is now central Camden Town was linked to Park Street (now Parkway) to link to the Camden-Limehouse section of Regents Canal (opened in 1820) and to Regents Park (first opened to the public in 1835). The coming of the London and Birmingham Railway in 1830 was only the first of many to bring massive change to the area.

The developers did not include churches of any denomination in their plans, but Baptist and Roman Catholic chapels opened in Somers Town in 1797 and 1798 respectively.  This was followed by an Independent Chapel on Kentish Town Road in 1807, which became Congregationalist three years later, whilst the Congregationalist Tonbridge Chapel opened on the corner of Euston Road and Judd Street in 1810. The first Christian place of worship in Camden Town itself, however, only came in 1821 when the Methodists began holding meetings in the area. Three years later they leased a former lint factory in Little King Street (now Kings Terrace) and converted it into a chapel with room for 150. This was followed by the non-conformist Ebenezer Chapel in 1834, originally in rooms above a carpenter’s shop and later to the junction of Buck Street and Kentish Town Road, now Trinity United Reformed Church behind Sainsbury’s.


Anglicanism arrives

(Mary Sokol and Edward Smith)

Parliament in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century attached great importance to churchgoing, but here just as in the rest of Britain the main population centres had shifted away from their parish churches, meaning parishioners faced a long journey to worship there. Instead, chapels-of-ease were built so that parishioners could attend somewhere closer. For example, a medieval chapel of ease in Kentish Town was demolished in 1784 and replaced by a new chapel on Highgate Road. However, finding funding for these chapels could prove difficult and – since the Church of England was the state church – the creation of every new parish church required an Act of Parliament. This all delayed the construction of an Anglican place of worship near Camden Town, let alone within it.

Public concern continued to grow in this period about the rapidly-growing and often poverty-afflicted urban populations 2. That concern combined with the shift in population centres and official fears of losing people to the non-conformist churches all eventually proved sufficient to pass an Act of Parliament in 1818, known as “An Act for the Building and Promotion of Building Additional Churches in Populous Parishes” (58 Geo III, Caput 45). This Act and its six its six subsequent amendments enabled the Government to set apart a fund of one million pounds for the particular purpose of building new Anglican churches.

That fund was drawn from the 100,000 francs of reparations which France had been forced to pay Britain after Napoleon’s final defeat at Waterloo in 1815. It was administered by a Commission, whose members were known as Commissioners. Not everyone was pleased by this prospect: the legal philosopher Jeremy Bentham wrote crossly in a manuscript that Lord Liverpool, then Home Secretary, could find money to build churches but not his Panopticon Prison.

The Commissioners’ remit was to locate communities of more than four thousand people who lived more than two miles from their parish church, and had the ability to fund a new church. Once these conditions were satisfied the Commission approved an architect and funded the construction of a new church. The geographical area became a legal entity by an Order in Council. Six hundred of these new ‘Commissioners’ churches’ were built in the nineteenth century, including thirty-three in the ancient parish of St Pancras. 3

Between 1822 and 1824 two architecturally significant new Church of England churches were built, finally taking the pressure off Old St Pancras church. They were both designed by architects W. and H. Inwood and both in the neo-Greek style. The first was the new St. Pancras on Euston Road, replacing its ancient namesake as the main parish church, with the earlier building becoming a chapel-of-ease. The second was Camden Chapel on Camden Street, another of the parish’s chapels-of-ease. It was assigned a district and a perpetual curate, the first holder of which office was the Rev. Alex D’Arblay, son of the novelist Frances Burney – she attended the chapel’s consecration and noted how he was almost late to give the inaugural sermon. His timekeeping did not improve and he was finally sacked in 1836. 4 Inwood also designed a third chapel-of-ease for the parish, St Mary’s Somers Town, completed in the Gothic style in 1827. This phase of the church-building boom ended with Christ Church Albany Street in the southwest corner of the ancient parish, completed in 1837.

The churches founded under the Act were usually set up as District Chapels. These were ‘daughter churches’ of the main parish church, from 1824 new St. Pancras. Such ‘daughter churches’ were allowed to hold services, but not perform baptisms, marriages or funerals, which had to take place at the parish church, so that the parish church did not suddenly lose the income from these rites of passage, nor the locally levied tithes and bequests, sometimes ancient. Usually sited in newly-urbanised areas without such tithes and bequests, the Act allowed ‘daughter churches’ to charge for pews to raise income until other sources could be found. That other source usually came when the parish church’s existing priest died or moved away and a proportion of local tithe payments could be assigned to the ‘daughter church’, turning it into a parish church in its own right. However, some ‘daughter churches’ refused to charge for pews, since a large proportion of their local inhabitants would be too poor to pay – St. Michael’s would be one of these churches that were free to all right from their foundation.


Railways

(Mary Sokol and Edward Smith)

The London and Birmingham Railway was followed in 1850 by the viaducts of the East and West India Docks and Birmingham Junction Railway (later renamed the North London Railway and now part of the Overground network) and by the Midland Railway in the 1860s. The Great Exhibition Map of 1851 shows St. Pancras Old Church now surrounded by the streets of Somers Town, and many new streets in Camden Town. 5 In the triangle formed by the junction of Kentish Town Road with the new Camden Road, where St. Michael’s church now stands, there were instead three large houses with very long gardens sited next to Kentish Town Wharf and saw mills and printing works. Two of these houses were later demolished to make way for St. Michael’s.

Later maps of 1863 and 1870 show Camden Town now completely laid out with streets, while further north Kentish Town was no longer a village surrounded by fields but a dense urban area and to the south the streets of Somers Town surrounded St. Pancras Church. Agar Town was a large unplanned urban sprawl soon to more or less disappear under the lines and Goods Yards of the Midland Railway – the first church was begun there in 1860 before being abandoned for another site on Elm Road, completed in 1864, whose parish was merged into St Michael’s in 1953.

This new, densely populated urban area was a source of concern to many. The large number of fine new middle class houses built in the new suburb between 1800 and 1830 began to be affected by the construction of railway lines, bridges and goods yards, demolishing many homes and displacing large numbers of people. The future novelist Charles Dickens lived on Bayham Street as a child in 1823 and his Dombey and Son (1848) and Our Mutual Friend (1864-5) describe the terrible mess and dirt in Camden Town that resulted from railway building, and the immense dust heaps on Battle Bridge Road (now roughly Pancras Square).

Canon Thomas Dale (1797–1870) was appointed Vicar of St Pancras in August 1846. He, the newspapers and the Ecclesiastical Commissioners all denounced the poverty and squalor of Camden Town. Even worse was the notorious Agar Town, said to present the most appalling spectacle of temporal and spiritual destitution in the whole diocese of London. Concerned, the Government of the day took action, demolishing the slums known as rookeries and planning new homes, only to be overtaken by yet more railway building and chaos until what was left of Agar Town merged with Camden New Town around Camden Square. 6


1840s to 1860s

(Mary Sokol and Edward Smith)

The Roman Catholic church and the non-conformist churches continued their expansion in the area, with the Congregationalists moving to a new building in Kentish Town in 1848, the Primitive Methodists converting a former paint shop in Camden Town into a worship space in 1851, and the Roman Catholics running missions in the area from Kentish Town and then from the new St Dominic’s Priory. This competition as much as the urban planning and railway building led to a revival in Anglican church-building in the area between the late 1840s and the 1860s. This was funded through the St Pancras Church Building Fund, founded in 1842 to create further district chapels and created in response to rising opposition to charging for pews.

In 1846 the Fund was used to build the temporary church which became the district and later parish of St Paul’s Camden Square. Canon Dale pushed for the Fund to ensure the ancient parish had ten district churches and so it held an extraordinary meeting on 18 March 1847 to set up four districts, each of which was to have its own priest – these later evolved into the parishes of Holy Trinity Haverstock Hill (permanent nave completed 1850), St Luke King’s Cross, St Jude’s Grays Inn Road and St Matthew Oakley Square. A fourth district (the future St Mark Albany Street or St Mark Regent’s Park) was decided upon in 1848, though its permanent nave took until 1850 to complete. 

1849 saw the formal division of the ancient parish of St Pancras into sixteen districts, each with a temporary or permanent church, and the completion of a  permanent district church on Camden Square. That church’s site and part of its building costs was given by its developer the Marquess Camden – that philanthrophic move would be mirrored by the Duke of Bedford when he created Bedford New Town and donated land and money for a permanent building for St Matthew Oakley Square (completed 1856). 

In 1863 one of the sixteen new districts was assigned St Stephen’s Church (formerly known as the Camden Chapel and now All Saints’ Greek Orthodox Cathedral). 7 However, often the Church of England’s church-building and re-organisation within the ancient parish could not keep pace with the area’s urban development – by the time St Thomas opened in the Agar Town area in 1864, the slum there was already being demolished for the tracks and goods yards running into St Pancras Station. The Fund was wound up in 1865.

A decisive move for the Church of England in Camden Town was the Saint Pancras Ecclesiastical Regulation Act, passed in 1868. It turned all the district parishes within the ancient parish into vicarages, each of which was a “benefice with cure of souls”. The Act divided the ancient parish into twenty-two of these vicarages, each with all the rights and privileges of a parish. It also separated St Stephen’s and the other Commissioners’ Churches in the ancient parish from the control of the St. Pancras Trustees. Those trustees would apply the trust fund from burial fees and the rent of the former site of the chapel of ease in Kentish Town and divide the first £200 from it equally between old and new St Pancras and St Stephen’s, before dividing anything above that equally between all the churches in the boundaries of the ancient parish to spend on worship or repairs. 8


Poverty and prosperity

(Mary Sokol and Edward Smith)

The philanthropist Charles Booth’s survey into life and labour in London c. 1898-9 included colour coded maps to indicate relative wealth or poverty. Sheet 4 shows that by the end of the nineteenth century Camden had become poorer and more overcrowded. Nearly every house was in multiple occupation. 9

Booth also sent out a team of researchers, one of whom interviewed St Michael’s first vicar Edward Bainbridge Penfold in 1896, showing changes and continuities in the parish’s housing and poverty levels in its first twenty years:

As regards the district, the general tendency has been down in his time. Union Terrace when he came was a very respectable place, for instance, but went down with a run on getting into the hands of its late owner, Mr. Bridgeman, who built it up at the back in a disgraceful way, and let it out on conditions that ensured rapid decline. But, like Mr. Connan, he denied that the houses had ever been brothels, as Tomkin told me. On the contrary, the people had been simply very poor and low class casual labour. He ran over some of the families that had lived there in a way that seemed to make out his case. The top part of Albert St. in his parish, is now almost entirely let out in apartments, respectable, and it is quite the exception to find a house in the hands of a single occupant. In Arlington St. he said, to my surprise, that there had been no great change in his time. The poorest bits in the parish now are Stuckley Place and Pleasant Row and Passage. Stanmore Place is now poor, but “not very poor”. In his classification of his people (see form) he gives no place to ordinary middle class private occupants, who would have figured considerably when he came [in 1876]. He was severe on the buildings that Bridgeman, already mentioned, put up in the Kentish Town Road, W. side S. end, between Brown’s Dairy and Union Terrace….

Charitable relief averages about £45. Tickets, of which one is inserted [on page 122], are only given to the sick and aged. A counterfoil has to be filled up by the Visitor who gives them away. They do not have much to do with the C.O.S., but the Vicar spoke well of their work.

In an attached questionnaire, Penfold noted that 60% of the housing in the parish was then “Poor”, 20% “Tradesmen” and 20% “Apartments”. He added that there was a “growth of rough loafing class” of criminal and that the parish’s attitudes to marriage were “Lax. Probably great many unmarried / or living with other men.”. He stated its overall health to be “Not good [due to] … unhealthy condition of life /and drinking habits” and the general condition of its housing to be “Deteriorating. Overcrowded. / Immense diff[iculty] to get house – but no marked rise in rentals.” 10

Many in what would become the parish of St Michael’s were illiterate, as shown by its first Register of Marriages and of Baptisms, in which several men signed X instead of their name. These also give an indication of male employment in the area – variously described as being in occupations such as printing, making books and horse harness, and builders. There were also many labourers who probably worked on building the new railway. Together these pieces of evidence from the early decades of St Michael’s demonstrate the difficult social conditions in which it had been created in 1876.


Oxford Movement

(Mary Sokol and Edward Smith)

A religious revival in the late eighteenth century and early nineteenth century in England saw the beginnings of Methodism, of the Clapham Sect and of the Evangelical movement within the Church of England. Roman Catholics were re-admitted to Parliament in 1829, leading to concerns that a no-longer-exclusively-Anglican Parliament would now be legislating on purely Anglican matters. Those concerns came to a head in an 1833 sermon by the Revd John Keble, Professor of Poetry in Oxford University and Fellow of Oriel College, Oxford. It argued that the Church was a divine society, founded by Jesus Christ himself and his authority was held by his Apostles and their successors, the bishops of the Church in direct line from those in the Upper Room at Pentecost. 

There were also other problems. Over the centuries churches were funded by gifts and endowments made by individuals. Now the population had grown hugely but ancient Anglican endowments for the upkeep of churches were not in the places with the greatest population growth or ‘greatest pastoral need’. 11 New towns and cities appeared yet the system of church administration was still based on that formed when most people lived on the land rather than in towns. The rights to present to wealthy benefices were bought and sold on the open market, and plural livings, even for bishops, were not uncommon in poorly endowed parishes. 12 Within the established Church, opinions on whether and what reform was need differed between Evangelicals, Broad-churchmen, and High-Churchmen. No forum existed for discussing these differences because Convocation, the traditional meeting of the church, had been suppressed in the eighteenth century.

John Henry Newman and other clerical Oxford dons such as Richard Hurrell Froude and Edward Bouverie Pusey began to publish and disseminate numerous ‘Tracts’ drawing attention to these problems and offering theologically-rooted solutions. As a result they became known as ‘Tractarians’. They asked if church and state should be separate as in America, and whether bishops should continue to be regarded as just functionaries of the state and administrators, or instead seen as the inheritors of the apostolic tradition as the Tractarians believed. Their aim was not to split the established Church of England or re-unite it with the Roman Catholic Church, but to bring about a Catholic revival within the Church of England. 

Tractarians laid stress on that church’s  essentially Catholic nature and placed a renewed emphasis on the significance for all mankind of the Doctrine of the Incarnation: Christ on earth among us, and the ‘indwelling’ of Christ within us. 13 Baptism, the Eucharist and the other sacraments were ‘all God’s gifts’. The Tractarians wanted Anglicanism to represent a Catholic theology, but not a Roman Catholic theology. This became known as the Oxford Movement, but it soon moved beyond the University to the whole country. Its priests also made a concerted response to urban expansion and rising poverty, leading to many of them becoming known as ‘slum priests’, a group of whom formed the Society of the Holy Cross in 1855. 14 Our first vicar Edward Penfold was also firmly in that tradition.

By the later part of the 19th century Tractarian practices were often referred to as ‘ritualism’ because the Oxford Movement priests adopted Catholic vestments and ceremonies. Ritualist churches were distinguishable from others within the Church of England by six points in their liturgy: facing east during the Eucharist; wearing full Eucharistic vestments; mixing water with wine in the chalice; using lighted candles on the altar; using unleavened or ‘wafer’ bread during the Eucharist; and the use of incense. 15 St. Michael’s was founded within this Anglo-Catholic tradition and even today remains firmly within it.

19th century ritualism caused controversy and divided public opinion. Some believed ‘ritualistic practices’ were not authorized by the Book of Common Prayer. Strong feelings led to the disruption of Anglo-Catholic services with abuse and cat-calling. The English Church Union defended ritualists, while the Church Association was the rival Evangelical body. The Earl of Shaftsbury, a leading Evangelical, even tried to introduce a bill into parliament to restrain ritualism, and the Government set up a Royal Commission in 1867 to look into the controversies. The Royal Commission reported in 1868 and 1869, deciding against the total prohibition of vestments. Instead the use of vestments, lighted candles and incense should be ‘restrained’. 

The subsequent Public Worship Regulation Act 1874 was first brought as a Private Member’s Bill by Archibald Campbell Tait (Archbishop of Canterbury since 1868). He and the bishops ensured it was passed in an attempt to recover some authority and credibility and set in place a universally acceptable system. Its officially avowed intention was to rationalise the ecclesiastical position, to make it more efficient and better able to respond swiftly to demands placed upon it. However during its passage through the House of Commons, debates indicate the Bill’s opponents saw the real aim quite differently. The Prime Minister, Benjamin Disraeli declared the aim was to “put down ritualism” and to put and end to the “Mass in masquerade.” High churchmen had relentlessly opposed the Bill, with Gladstone leading the parliamentary rearguard action. 16

The Church of England had previously regulated its worship via its own two ecclesiastical courts, the Court of the Arches for the Province of Canterbury and the Chancery Court for the Province of York. They had both been presided over by a lay Dean and Auditor respectively since the 16th century. The 1874 Act provided for the Archbishops of Canterbury and York to appoint a lay Anglican barrister or judge specifically to preside over ritualist cases and that – when the posts of Dean and Auditor next came vacant – that judge would take on both posts and pass judgment on matters of ecclesiastical ritual and ceremonial practices in the Anglican Church. Both posts did become vacant in 1875 and James Plaisted Wilde, 1st Baron Penzance was appointed to them both – he had previously presided over the Probate and Divorce Court, but the appointment was unpopular with High Churchmen. Cases could only be brought with the consent of the diocesan bishop, whose right of veto was absolute. The new Court could make orders including monition, meaning formally ordering defendants not to do something. Failure to comply with a court order was contempt of court punished by imprisonment.


Persecution and vindication

(Mary Sokol)

Over the next few years opponents of ritualism brought numerous complaints about ritualistic practices before the new Court. The Church Association backed the first such complaint in 1876, the year St Michael’s was founded as a parish. It was against the Rev. C. J. Ridsdale of St Peter’s in Folkestone on the south-east coast of England. The case against him was proved and he agreed to be bound by the Court’s judgment. But the next cases brought under the Act were marked by confusion and failure to comply with technicalities. Most importantly these cases were brought against priests who were unwilling to compromise their principles and unwilling to accept either the jurisdiction of the Court or its decisions. They were however willing to suffer the consequences of their actions.

1876 also saw Fr Arthur Tooth of St James in the working-class parish of Hatcham (now New Cross in south-east London) refuse to appear before the Court and disregard every ruling made against him by Lord Penzance. It was said that although Tooth’s position was legally indefensible, it was morally correct and that the Act and its consequences illustrated ‘a misuse of law such has never been known in history.’ 17 Tooth’s actions exposed the weakness of the 1874 Act. No one had envisaged that the clergy against whom the Act was directed would refuse to comply with its rulings. Tooth was imprisoned in Horsemonger Lane Gaol in Southwark on 22nd January 1877 where he remained until 17th February. Once released the indomitable Tooth broke into his own Church and celebrated Mass before a congregation of three hundred with vestments and full ritual. The Church Association then brought objections to the judgment against Tooth on technical grounds and in the event Tooth resigned his benefice and retired to East Grinstead.

Subsequently several other Anglo-Catholic priests were brought before the Court and were then imprisoned for contempt when they refused to obey its orders. Those imprisoned included S. F. Green of St John’s, Miles Platting, Manchester (1880-82), T. P. Dale of St Vedast’s Foster Lane (1880-81) and R. W. Enraght of Holy Trinity, Bordesley, Birmingham (1880). During Enraght’s trial in 1880 a consecrated host was produced in Court as an exhibit duly stamped and marked, which proved extremely offensive to many High Churchmen and others too.

Only two miles from Camden Town, Fr Alexander Mackonochie of St Alban’s in Holborn came very close to meeting a similar fate, with complaints brought against him to the Court of the Arches five times between 1867 and 1883 for the use of ‘unauthorised rituals’ in the church. 18 Mackonchie was not imprisoned but instead suspended for three years and then persuaded to resign his benefice and become Vicar of St Peter’s London Docks. In 1883 he was banned from all ecclesiastical appointments in the Province of Canterbury and the Ecclesiastical Commission ceased to pay his stipend. Fr Mackonchie then returned to St Alban’s to work as a Curate until his death in 1887. 19

Founding a new Anglo-Catholic parish and church in such an environment, Fr Penfold would have been very aware that he might meet a similar fate. Walter Walsh was a vocal opponent of ritualism and the author of a highly successful book, The Secret History of the Oxford Movement, which detailed what he saw as the abuses and illegalities of Anglo-Catholics. In 1881 he spoke out against St Michael’s at a public meeting held at the Royal Park Hall on what is now Parkway in Camden Town. His words were reported in the local paper, the Camden and Kentish Town Gazette 20 – he particularly criticised the “characteristic secrecy of ‘Ritualists’ and clergymen who claimed to be ‘moderate’ but then introduced what he referred to as ‘Romish doctrine and ritual”.

However, Penfold pressed on with his work regardless of criticism and less than twenty years later the tide had turned – the Gazette later reported on “a strong sermon” preached by John Festing, Bishop of St Albans, at the laying of the foundation stone of the chancel at St Michael’s in 1893. In it, Festing complained about the “rash legislation” passed by Parliament injuring the Church of England at a time when it was doing such great work among the “mass of the people”.


First Steps

(Mary Sokol and Edward Smith)

Penfold was appointed the first vicar and immediately instigated the procedure for establishing a new district chapel. First, Queen Victoria by an Order in Council dated 23rd October 1876 approved the constitution of the District of St. Michael’s Church by taking parts of three existing parishes in the area –St Stephen’s Camden Town (a parish since 1852), Holy Trinity Haverstock Hill (a parish since 1852), and St. Matthew’s Bedford New Town (a parish since 1859). 21 Then, on the 21st August 1876 the Privy Council approved the creation of a new church for the district. It was to be funded by money vested in the Commission from the City churches of St. Peter le-Poer (demolished in 1907; site now 19 Old Broad Street) and the Perpetual Curacy of St. Benet Fink (demolished 1842-1846 to improve the Royal Exchange site and parish united to that of St Peter le Poer; site now occupied by No.1 Threadneedle Street). It is unclear when it was promoted from a district to a parish in its own right, but it was probably when St Pancras New Church underwent a change of vicar in September 1877. 

Penfold presided over the district’s first service on 25th February, 1877 at 5A Camden Road, ministering to sixteen communicants from an altar obtained from St. James’s Diocesan Home for Penitents in Fulham, which had been built in 1871. In 1871 5A Camden Road had housed two families, headed by a bricklayer and a farrier, as well as a bird shop. Next door was a tobacco shop and three doors away was the Halfway House pub (now the Camden Eye), taking its name from the earlier era when it was a rural stopping-point on the road from Tottenham Court Road to Hampstead and Highgate. The scullery at the back of 5A’s ground floor became a vestry, whilst the shop partitions on the ground floor were removed to make a 100-capacity worship space in what had been its front room. Officially known as the Mission House, that worship space was soon nicknamed “the Shop” and is now a betting shop. It was also used for parochial meetings and entertainments. There was not enough room for children in “the Shop” and so a separate Sunday morning service was held for them at the new Hawley Crescent Board Schools, themselves only opened in 1874. The Hawley Crescent Schools also housed the Sunday Schools which Penfold opened on 28 October 1877 and now form Hawley Primary.

The Mission House had a small font right from its inception. This was originally at Holy Trinity the Less (on what is now the site of Mansion House tube station). The font was the only fitting to survive that church’s destruction in the Great Fire – the church was demolished and its parish merged with that of St Michael Queenhithe – the ‘hithe’ in its name refers to its proximity to the docks of the Pool of London (its site now mostly lies under the northern carriageway of Upper Thames Street near Southwark Bridge). That parish’s medieval church had also been destroyed in the Fire but was rebuilt between 1676 and 1686, with Holy Trinity’s font moved into it.

That very same font was seen in Queenhithe by the mapmaker and guidebook-writer Thomas Allen, who described it in his 1839 History and Antiquities of London, Westminster, Southwark, and Other Parts Adjacent as a “font in a ballustrade [sic]; it is a handsome octangular basin of statuary marble, enriched with four cherubic heads, and the outer surface is nearly covered with flowers and fruit in relief; the cover is oak.” The basin was probably placed on a new pedestal at Queenhithe and it was also broken sometime before 1876 – the metal tie used to repair it was still holding it together in 1901. St Michael Queenhithe closed in 1875 and was demolished a year later. However, its name lived on in St. Michael’s Camden Town, since the Church Commissioners granted £5,300 from the Queenhithe site’s sale towards the site and construction of the permanent church in Camden Town. The Queenhithe parish was merged into that of St James Garlickhythe, which took most of the old church’s fittings. However, the font and its pedestal were instead briefly put into storage in the crypt of St Paul’s Cathedral before being moved to 5A Camden Road.

Fr Penfold initially lived at 1 Gloucester Street (now the north end of Albany Street) and by 1881 had moved to the first floor of 5A, with his housekeeper on the second floor. In mid-June 1876 he was joined by his first assistant priest Archer George Hunter, though Penfold could not afford to pay a stipend and so Hunter’s costs had to be paid by his affluent lawyer father. Hunter later wrote:

We had one great advantage, we had no money, and we told the people so, therefore they did not expect us to put our hands into our pockets. We assured them that when there was any real need we would do our best to supply it. We found the Charity Organisation Society a very great help. The honest had no objection to having their cases inquired into; others found that their want was not so great after all! We told everyone what we were out for, and many found their way to worship with us in our little church. 22

Next, Fr Penfold set about seeking a site for the district’s permanent church, no mean feat in such a heavily built-up area. He made inquiries and found two adjacent houses with long rear gardens at 11 and 13 Camden Road, just three houses away from the temporary church. These were probably still middle-class dwellings as they had been in 1871, when 11 housed the widowed Bengal Engineers officer John Charles Harris (1826-1910) and 13 the French sculptor and silverware artist Leonard Morel-Ladeuil (c.1820-1888). Harris was from Hackney and had served with the East India Company’s forces from 1843, rising to the rank of major before his retirement sometime between 1862 and 1871. Morel-Ladeuil had been working for the British firm of Elkington & Co. since 1859 and his designs included those for the Milton Shield (1867) and ‘The Pompeian Lady’ (1877) – the former aptly features the Archangel Michael expelling the rebel angels from heaven.

Penfold set about purchasing the houses and their site, at a final cost of £2,470. In Hunter’s words:

Then came a period of begging. Edward Penfold was the last man to offer God that which had cost him nothing, and he was resolved on building a really worthy church. For this we asked Mr. Bodley, one of the chief architects of the day, to prepare designs, and whilst he was doing this we were bothering our friends, everyone indeed who we had ever met, to help us. We had this claim on them; or at any rate this excuse for going outside the parish, that there was next to nothing to be got from those inside, though what there was was given very freely and gladly. Here my better-to-do friends at [my previous curacy in] Beddington came in and they did come, in response to my shameless asking! The Vicar secured various grants from the Patrons of the living, the Dean and Chapter of St. Paul’s, the Ecclesiastical Commissioners, and his many friends, and the congregation I think, without exception, did their part nobly till a sum of over twenty thousand pounds was gathered together.


Bodley and Camden

Evan McWilliams and Edward Smith

The architect chosen by Penfold was George Frederick Bodley (1827-1907). Though not one of his age’s most prolific architects, he was one of its most influential and his churches stand apart from their Victorian counterparts by their sense of refinement and an atmosphere of timeless otherness that elevates the experience of worship to the level of faultless art. Not long after his death, critics were to look down on his buildings as potentially ‘embarrassing to poor or dirty people.’ Partially for this reason, and because the Gothic style of Bodley’s work slipped out of fashion after the 1930s, his buildings remained in the shadows. Even when Victorian architecture came again to be celebrated in the late 1970s the later buildings by architects like Bodley were overlooked in favour of more ‘vigorous’ churches by George Gilbert Scott, George Edmund Street, and William Butterfield. Only in recent years have Bodley’s churches been given concentrated attention and his use of the Gothic style is at last proved to be masterful rather than merely ‘charming.’ 

Bodley had been articled to George Gilbert Scott and so learned his art from one of the Victorian period’s most prolific architects. His own stylistic development took him down a different path from that of his teacher and over time Bodley came to be associated with the quality of ‘refinement,’ a quality which suffuses one of his most significant city churches – and the first built by Bodley in London – St Michael’s, Camden Town. St Michael’s shows Bodley at his most powerful and, despite not having been completed according to the original designs, it stands as a monument to Fr Penfold’s ideals, his great desire being that the working class citizens of Camden Town be able to worship God in an uplifting setting, in the ‘beauty of holiness.’

The site of St Michael’s, near the junction of five major thoroughfares, called for a grand scale and so the church was given a tall, thin nave undivided from west to east by any break or chancel arch. Such a unified interior, inspired by late thirteenth-century friar churches on the Continent, allowed for unimpeded sightlines of the pulpit and High Altar. Despite the Continental inspiration of its plan, the type of Gothic chosen by Bodley is pure English Decorated of the fourteenth century. 

The ceiling (innovatively using transverse arches supported on the exterior of the building by flying buttresses) and clustered piers of the nave and the elegant flowing tracery of its clerestory windows play off against the bare, smooth walls creating a gentle tension of ornament and austerity. Characteristic of Bodley’s work, this contrast is what gives the building its sense of refinement; ornament is used carefully and only where it will generate maximum visual impact. That restraint in detail probably also served a practical purpose, given the restricted resources available to an urban mission church. 

Yet seen today in its denuded state the effect of St Michael’s is far less lively than Bodley intended. He planned for the wooden paneling of the nave walls to be painted a rich olive green and the walls above a deep red flocked with the sacred monogram of the Name of Jesus (IHS) in black and white. Seen against the soft grey stone, this striking decorative scheme would have added a dimension of depth to the design. Traces of the green have been found below later paint layers on the panelling, but it seems the budget did not ultimately stretch to the wall painting.


Soil and Iron

(Mary Sokol and Edward Smith)

The conveyancing deeds for the site are now in the St. Michael’s Church Diocesan Parish file held at The London Archives. They reveal much of legal historical interest and show that Fr Penfold met with difficulty and delay in establishing the necessary good title to the land. However, they do not include any documents to support the 1923 history’s claim that Penfold supplemented the Church Commissioners’ grant with funds from various Church Societies and voluntary subscriptions. 23

Eventually Penfold acquired the leasehold and then the freehold interest on the site and demolished the houses there, enabling the nave’s foundations to be laid on 1 November 1878 at a cost of £850. After getting permission from the Metropolitan Board of Works, a temporary ‘Iron Church’ was erected on the building site in August 1879, with capacity for 300 and on roughly the site of the present-day chancel. The last service in the Mission House was held on 17 August 1879 and the first in the Iron Church a week later on 24 August, 24 with a sermon by Henry William Burrows, prebendary of St Paul’s Cathedral and canon of Rochester Cathedral – he had been perpetual curate of Christ Church, Albany Street during Penfold’s second curacy (1870-1874). The historic font was also moved into the iron church.

There was immediately an expectation that further building would follow 25 and Dove Brothers Limited of Islington were taken on, but it took until 25 March 1880 for the contract for the nave’s construction to be signed, agreeing the final cost at £7,387. A cornerstone was laid on 5th June 1880 by one of the local landowners, namely the eight-year-old Marquess Camden. A sermon was preached from atop one of the half-constructed walls by Walsham How (then Bishop of Bedford, a suffragan see in London). His text was 2 Chronicles 36.23:

Thus saith Cyrus king of Persia, All the kingdoms of the earth hath the Lord God of heaven given me; and he hath charged me to build him an house in Jerusalem, which is in Judah. Who is there among you of all his people? The Lord his God be with him, and let him go up.

The tracery for the nave windows was all cut on site and the mortar was ground by a small steam engine, sited where the first chancel-step now is. The nave roof was nearly completed by January 1881, when a severe snowstorm got through the Iron Church’s ventilators and forced services to be suspended for several days. By Michaelmas (29th September) that year it was ready and on 8 am that day the Iron Church hosted its last communion service. Three-and-a-half hours later Walsham How made a second visit to consecrate the permanent nave, preaching this time from Matthew 28:17 (“And when they saw him, they worshipped him: but some doubted.”). 26

The large congregation at the consecration consisted of parishioners, neighbouring and famous clergy and many visitors. The Camden and Kentish Town Gazette ran a report on the event, quoted in the Parish Magazine. 27 The historic font was also moved to the permanent nave, where it lasted until 1901.

Once the nave was complete, the church attempted to retain the iron church, perhaps to use as meeting rooms, but this was disallowed by the Metropolitan Board of Works – in mentioning this the 1923 history also noted with some satisfaction that the Board “has now ceased to exist”, perhaps implying divine retribution. The actual cost of construction and of the temporary furniture for the nave had been £8854 plus £850 for laying the foundations – £800 of this still remained unpaid at the time of the nave’s consecration and that debt was only cleared in 1886. 28 It still had no panelling, no ceiling decoration and no heating apparatus – instead one huge stove stood by the west door and another near the small door to a temporary vestry or church room on the site of the later side-chapel’s outer wall.

As built, the nave’s east end was a flat brick wall, awaiting demolition to build a chancel once funds were raised. There was still much more work to be done but St. Michael’s Church was now firmly established in Camden Town as an Anglican church within the Anglo-Catholic tradition.


  1. Streets of Camden Town, Camden History Society, 2003 ↩︎
  2. Geoffrey Rowell, The Vision Glorious: Themes and Personalities of the Catholic Revival in Anglicanism, Oxford, 1983
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  3. Roger Sainsbury, St. Michael’s Church Highgate: A History, 2014.
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  4. Streets of Camden Town, ed. Steven Denford and F. Peter Woodford, Camden History Society, 2003, p. 83; Claire Harman, Fanny Burney: A Biography, London, 2000, page 368; Revd. Deacon Meliton-Richard Oakes, The Greek Orthodox Cathedral Church of All Saints, Camden Town, London, London, 2009, pages 86-87; we also thank Gillian Tindall for this information 
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  5.  We thank Gillian Tindall for help with local history and for permission to study maps from her private collection.
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  6. The Rev. Roger Conyers Morrell (1883-1977), The Story of Agar Town, 1935, Premo Press NW1, now deposited with the St. Michael’s Parish papers at The London Archives. The author was mayor of St Pancras from 1926 to 1927.
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  7.  ‘Camden Town’, in Survey of London: Volume 24, the Parish of St Pancras Part 4: King’s Cross Neighbourhood, ed. Walter H Godfrey and W McB. Marcham (London, 1952), pp. 134-139. ↩︎
  8.  Frederick Miller, Saint Pancras, past and present: being historical, traditional and general notes of the parish, including biographical notices of inhabitants associated with its topographical and general history, London, 1874, page 334-336; includes a full list of the twenty-two new vicarages.
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  9. As noted in Streets of Camden Town, p. 12.
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  10.  Notebook: Clergy District 18 (Somers Town and Camden Town) (BOOTH/B/215), pages 119, 121 and 129
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  11. Geoffrey Rowell, The Vision Glorious: Themes and Personalities of the Catholic Revival in Anglicanism, Oxford, 1983, p. 2. ↩︎
  12.  Ibid.,pp. 2-3 ↩︎
  13.  Ibid., pp. 14-20; see also G. I. T. Machin, Politics and the Churches in Great Britain 1869-1921, Oxford, 1987, p. 3 on church reform.
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  14.  Geoffrey Rowell,The Vision Glorious: Themes and Personalities of the Catholic Revival in Anglicanism, Oxford, 1983, p. 116. ↩︎
  15.  Machin, 1987, p. 4.
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  16.  Ibid., 1987; see pp. 5-8 on differences of opinion within the established church, and pp. 70-76 on the passage of the Bill through the House of Commons.
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  17. James Bentley, Ritualism and Politics in Victorian Britain: The attempt to Legislate for Belief, 1978, p. 100; see also Peter Benedict Nockles, The Oxford Movement in Context: Anglican High Churchmanship 1760-1857, Cambridge 1994, pp. 216-7.
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  18.  E.A.T., Edward Francis Russell (editor), Alexander Heriot Mackonochie – A Memoir, 1890. ↩︎
  19. Machin, 1987, pp. 82-3.
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  20. Camden Local History Library, Camden and Kentish Town Gazette, 1881. 
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  21.  Roger Sainsbury, St. Michael’s Church Highgate: A History, 2014
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  22.  A.G. Hunter, Incidents in My Life and Ministry, 1935, pages 11-15
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  23. Our Church and Parish, 1923
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  24. The London Archives, ibid.
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  25. Annual Report, 1879-1880
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  26. London Metropolitan Archive, signed Act of Consecration, St. Michael’s Church, the Diocesan Parish File. 19/224/503/(1) London
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  27. London Metropolitan Archive, St Michael’s Parish Magazine vol. 1 1884-86
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  28. Our Church and Parish, 1923
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